With banks closed and the economy on the verge of collapse, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras
had urged the adoption of the measures, saying that while it was a
difficult deal the creditors were offering, it was the only one
available and would avert a humanitarian and fiscal disaster.
The
measures passed easily, with a vote of 229 to 64, with six abstentions.
Yet much of the support came from opposition parties. Thirty-two
members of Mr. Tsipras’s own Syriza party voted no, including three of
his ministers, throwing the stability of his left-wing coalition
government into question.
Mr. Tsipras, who unexpectedly took the floor before the vote to make his
case that the country could move forward even under the harsh terms of
what was being offered, left immediately after the roll call.
The vote came a day after the International Monetary Fund
signaled that it might not back the new bailout unless the pact
substantially reduced the debt burden on Athens. That stance aligned it
with Mr. Tsipras on the question of debt reduction and provided him with
new ammunition to argue that the bailout plan did not do enough to get
the Greek economy back on its feet.
But
with the country teetering on the edge of insolvency, Athens moved
ahead with the vote. It needed to begin unlocking the aid necessary to
meet a debt payment on Monday, put its banks on sounder footing and
negotiate a three-year package that would provide it with as much as 86
billion euros, or about $94 billion, in assistance.
Mr.
Tsipras was given only two days to begin to pass the creditors’
proposals. And as the vote neared, many in his party expressed profound
dismay that they were being asked to approve measures that would reduce
pensions and raise a wide array of taxes. One minister resigned before
the vote.
In
his address to the deputies, the prime minister made no secret of his
unhappiness with the offer, which had forced him to backtrack on
virtually every campaign promise he made and which many leading
economists have condemned as unworkable.
But Mr. Tsipras said the alternative — exile from the eurozone — was the greater evil.
“We
took on powerful opponents, we clashed with international financial
system,” he said. “And in that sense it was an uneven battle. But I’m
proud of our fight.”
But
some members of his party had argued earlier that more austerity
betrayed all that the party stood for and could not be accepted,
especially after 60 percent of Greek voters had already rejected less
harsh terms in a referendum just 10 days before.
“The
people spoke,” said one Syriza member, Zoi Konstanpopoulou, the speaker
of Parliament. “We have a duty to defend their decision because our
power is sourced from them.”
Whether
Mr. Tsipras will have to fashion a new coalition is unclear. Some party
members suggested that with no one calling for a vote of confidence or a
new election, he might be able to hang on.
Other analysts said that he would no doubt eventually have to form a new unity government with other parties.
While
Mr. Tsipras signed an agreement with his creditors on Monday, there are
still many potential pitfalls, including the fact that the accord must
win parliamentary approval in each of the other eurozone countries.
France has already given its approval, and German legislators could take
up the issue by Friday. On Thursday, finance ministers are to discuss
bridge financing for Greece until the terms of a longer agreement can be
worked out.
Members
of Syriza welcomed the I.M.F. report. Dimitrios Papadimoulis, a member
of the European Parliament who is close to the prime minister, said that
the fund’s position could be helpful in the long run but that did not
make Wednesday’s parliamentary vote any less urgent.
He
said the fund’s position had provided an “additional argument” for
reducing his country’s debt payments, but that right now Greece needed
to “stay alive” and approve the measures demanded by its European
creditors.
The
I.M.F.’s signal on Tuesday that it supported steps like forgiving some
of the debt or putting a three-decade moratorium on debt payments put it
in conflict with Greece’s European creditors.
Under
the terms of the agreement, reached after a weekend of contentious
negotiations, the creditors would not forgive any debt and offered only a
general assurance of further discussions about reducing annual debt
payments by stretching out payment periods or reducing interest rates.
The
bailout would be the third for Greece in five years and would involve
new loans from the other countries that use the euro, the European
Central Bank and the monetary fund.
The
fund’s decision to go public with its position suggested that the draft
agreement would be only the starting point for further negotiations
about the sustainability of the debt and the willingness of lenders to
recognize that they might not get all their money back.
In
Athens, tensions flared as Parliament prepared to vote. When the
controversial former finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis, took the floor
to compare the deal reached over the weekend in Brussels to the Treaty
of Versailles, which imposed harsh conditions on a defeated Germany
after World War I, one member of the center Right Democracy Party
interrupted him to shout, “You ruined the country.” Mr. Varoufakis, who
along with Mr. Tsipras had taken a confrontational stance with the
creditors, said he would not vote for the legislation.
Opposition
party members took turns blaming Mr. Tsipras for the current state of
affairs, but vowed to vote for the measures anyway. Harry Theoharris, of
the centrist To Potami party, said that 10 years from now students
would be studying the events of today and “how we shot ourselves and
then started whining for a disability benefit.”
If
nothing else, Greeks took some solace from the idea that the I.M.F.
report would help keep attention focused on the issue of the debt, which
Greece had long maintained was so heavy a burden that it choked off
hope of any economic recovery and forced unjustifiably deep cuts in
government spending.
“Certainly
this issue is also going to be part of the discussions, negotiations
when we’ll be discussing the memorandum of understanding, when we will
be really preparing the third Greek program,” Valdis Dombrovskis, a vice
president of the European Commission responsible for the euro, told the
news media in Brussels.
The
I.M.F.’s position highlighted a rift between European countries. Some,
including Germany, are adamantly against writing off any of Greece’s
debt of more than €300 billion, or about $330 billion. Others, including
France, have stressed the need to reduce Greece’s debt payments to a
more realistic and sustainable level, if not by forgiving any of the
debt then by extending the payment schedule or cutting interest rates.
The
French government, which has played a central role in efforts to keep
Greece in the eurozone, said it welcomed the fund’s comments.
“The
I.M.F. is saying the same thing that we are,” Michel Sapin, the French
finance minister, told BFM television on Wednesday. “That we have to
help Greece, but that we can’t do it if we maintain the same repayment
burden on the Greek economy.”
Wolfgang Schäuble, the German finance minister, has been one of the most hard-line opponents of debt relief for Greece.
He
indicated on Tuesday that there was continued resistance in the German
government to the deal forged last weekend and a willingness to consider
whether it might be better for Greece to leave the eurozone.
Chancellor
Angela Merkel of Germany has ruled out writing off any of the Greek
debt, but has left the door open to renegotiating the terms for paying
it back, suggesting that there remain grounds for a compromise.
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